4.1 Copresence & Alone-Together
As discussed earlier, until the late 1960s, when home baths were not widespread, sento played the role of community infrastructure, alongside its functions as a social gathering place in the neighborhood. However, in contemporary society, sento has limited use as infrastructure. Amidst the decline of sento, Tokyo Metropolitan Government Bureau of Life, Culture, and Sports (2018) has been working on the revitalization of public bathhouses including sento, through proposed revitalization measures since 2018. They emphasize the importance for public bathhouses to offer additional value beyond bathing to attract more visitors and sustain business. In this context, an increasing number of sento today are adopting innovative approaches that extend their traditional bathing services, reconfiguring sento not just as infrastructure but as dynamic social spaces, providing people with reasons to visit sento establishments beyond bathing. As the number of sento continues to decline, these reconfiguration of sento experiences reflect an effort of contemporary sento establishments to respond to modern societal needs.
While the decline of sento underscores their diminishing role as social gathering places, there has also been, as illustrated above, a broader deterioration in individuals’ connectedness and sense of belonging in Japanese society, particularly amidst the decline of marriage and family structures, reduced job security, the erosion of workplace culture, and the growing social isolation exacerbated by COVID-19 pandemic. These two social trends are paralleling, marking a challenge to the maintenance of social relationships. This research demonstrates how contemporary sento environments provide individuals with alternative spaces to foster connectedness and a sense of belonging, beyond traditional institutions such as family and the workplace. Before delving into descriptive findings of how the three sento and sento-related establishments examined provide these alternatives, it is important to first explore the theoretical frameworks that explain how social relationships are shaped and strengthened within these environments. The research employs four concepts––copresence, alone-together, a third place, and ibasho––based on participant observation as well as the insights shared by key informants from the case studies about how they aim to create social space in fostering connectedness and a sense of belonging.
4.2 A Third Place
While copresence and alone-together provide foundational frameworks for understanding the potential development of connectedness within the sento environment, the sento’s historical role as a social gathering space makes it practical to associate it with the concept of a “third place,” which reflects both connectedness and a stronger sense of belonging. A third place is a sociological concept, coined by an American urban sociologist, Ray Oldenburg (1989), which refers to locations where individuals visit between home (first place) and work (second place). It is “a generic designation for a great variety of public places that host the regular, voluntary, informal, and happily anticipated gatherings of individuals” (p. 16). These “informal public gathering places” offer opportunities for people to meet and engage in social interactions outside of their home and workplace, developing a sense of belonging to the location. The concept of a “third place” distinguishes itself from the former concepts of copresence and alone-together, as interaction with others is prerequisite in a third place, thereby facilitating individuals’ connectedness and potentially fostering a stronger sense of belonging. According to Oldenburg (1989), a third place is characterized by eight factors:
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Neutrality: A third place is neutral ground where individuals can come and go freely without any social roles or responsibilities. There are no obligations or expectation individuals may have at home and work.
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Leveler: A third place is democratic, where everyone within the space, regardless of social status or background, is on an equal footing. There are no requirements that would prevent acceptance or participation in a third place.
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Conversation is the Main Activity: Lively and engaging conversation is at the heart of a third place. The tone of conversation is typically spirited, playful, and respectful.
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Accessibility and Accommodation: A third place is usually easily accessible. Individuals may visit at almost any time of day or evening, expecting to encounter familiar faces. A third place should also be accommodating, meaning that it ought to stand ready to serve the wants of individuals for sociability and relaxation.
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The Regulars: A third place attracts a number of regulars who help set the tone of conviviality. The mood and manner of the regulars foster an infectious and contagious style of interaction, influencing whether newcomers feel welcomed or not.
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A Low Profile: The environment of a third place is typically unpretentious. It is characterized by being in a modest, and seemingly unknown location, keeping away a high volume of strangers or transient customers while protecting the regulars inside.
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The Mood is Playful: The atmosphere of a third place is filled with a playful tone. Witty conversation and humors are highly valued.
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Home Away from Home: A third place often provides a sense of comfort, belonging and possession, similar to what individuals would feel in their own home. It provides a space where individuals feel rooted and gain social and emotional restoration.
(Oldenburg, 1989, pp. 22-42)
At the most basic level, sento can be understood as providing a space where otherwise isolated individuals can come together, potentially fostering a sense of connectedness. This can be referred to as copresence. Copresence speaks to the concept about being physically present with others in a shared space. However, as Zhao and Elesh (2008) describe, it goes beyond physical proximity that individuals are not only near each other, but also mutually accessible for contact, making them not just nearby, but approachable for interaction. It embodies a feeling of “being with,” in which people treat others as “circumspectively concernful beings” (Heidegger, 1962, as cited in Zhao & Elesh, 2008, p. 570). This suggests that individuals who are co-present are not only in close physical proximity, but also aware of each other’s presence and accessible for mutual engagement, although interaction is not guaranteed. Thus, copresence can be understood as “a mode of human togetherness” (Zhao & Elesh, 2008, p. 578) where people are socially and emotionally connected through the awareness of other’s presence, potentially fostering a basic sense of connectedness even without direct interaction. While individuals may not directly engage in interaction, copresence represents the coexistence of connectedness, emotional connection and solitude.
Ryuichi Nishikawa, the owner of Komae-yu, aims to create a space that aligns with the concept of copresence. According to Nishikawa, “Making Komae-yu a space where individual customers can enjoy solitude is my lifelong goal” (R. Nishikawa, personal communication, October 31, 2024). He envisions the sento environment where individual customers can enjoy solitude while still feeling the presence of others––an idea closely related to the core concept of copresence. However, the nuanced distinction lies in Nishikawa’s emphasis on “enjoying solitude,” where interaction is possible, but the focus remains on the experience of aloneness. His concept may resonate more with the term, “alone-together,” as introduced by White (2012, p. 139), which is closely related to copresence in that it involves the emotional experience of being physically present with others in a shared space but differs in its emphasis on maintaining personal solitude. This interplay between solitude and emotional connection, as reflected in the ideas of copresence and alone-together, is central to Nishikawa’s vision, emphasizing the individual’s experience of aloneness within a socially connected setting. Together, these two concepts set the foundation for understanding how the sento environment can foster a fundamental sense of connectedness among individuals without direct interaction by bringing otherwise isolated people into a shared physical space.
4.3 Ibasho
Yuichi Kato, the owner of the shared space Kosugi-yu Tonari (Tonari), envisions the overall design and purpose of Tonari as a “next-generation type of third place” or “jisedai sa-do pure-su” (次世代サードプレース) (Nomura, 2023). While Tonari functions as a place between work and home where its members can cultivate connectedness and a sense of belonging in an informal public setting, Kato’s interpretation of the concept introduces a certain degree of “flexibility” to the space. This flexibility extends beyond the parameters of Oldenburg’s (1989) original definition, thereby justifying its classification as a “next-generation type of a third place.”
As described in the overview of Tonari in the introduction chapter, Kato (2023) advocates for the idea of “a life with sento” or “sento no aru kurashi (銭湯のある暮らし),” which emphasizes integrating certain positive aspects of sento into the overall concept of Tonari. On a macro level, it is about creating connectedness and a sense of belonging in an informal public setting, such as sento, rather than confining one’s life solely to work and home (Nomura, 2023). Through the membership system, members are encouraged to visit Tonari regularly and voluntarily. It is also an informal space where members are free from social roles and obligations typically associated with work and home. These three elements––regularity, voluntariness, and informality (neutrality)––are central to Oldenburg’s (1989) concept of a third place (p. 16).
However, the micro-level value of sento that Kato (2023) identifies as essential and seeks to incorporate into Tonari expands the concept of a third place, specifically through “the absence of a necessity for conversation within the space.” While Oldenburg (1989) emphasizes conversation as a central and encouraged activity in a third place, Kato does not view conversation as necessary and instead aims to offer a “selectivity of communication” (Nomura, 2023).
Kato (2023) explains that in sento, interaction is not a prerequisite; it is a space where individuals can be left alone when desired, but they are also mutually accessible and can engage in conversation when they wish to do so. Opportunities for interaction, such as with regulars and or the sento attendants, are common. Moreover, even when individuals are alone, they can still feel connected to others (p. 65). This aligns with the concept of copresence––a state where individuals feel the presence of others in a shared environment and are mutually accessible (Zhao & Elesh, 2008), as previously discussed.
In this regard, Kato (2023) seeks to create an environment within Tonari that appreciates communication selectivity, where members can enjoy solitude while feeling the presence of others, with opportunities for interaction are available when a member wishes to engage in conversation. This point was also emphasized by Anmi Shirai, the manager of Tonari, during a fieldwork interview. Overall, the primary function of Tonari––an informal public place between work and home that members regularly and voluntarily visit through the membership system––connect with the broader concept of a third place. However, the communication selectivity and flexibility in social interaction that Kato aims to provide within the shared space sets his approach apart from Oldenburg’s original emphasis on the central role of conversation in a third place. This indicates that Kato’s concept for Tonari expands upon the idea of a third place by incorporating a more flexible approach to social interaction.
Finally, there is a concept of ibasho. Rather than depending exclusively on theories generated within Western frameworks, it is often more suitable to apply theoretical concepts rooted in the social dynamics and traditions intrinsic to the ethnographic context under study. Ibasho has been widely heard in Japan today, particularly after the 2011 Tohoku earthquake and tsunami and the following nuclear accident. In the wake of this crisis, new initiatives such as nonprofit organizations (NPOs) and networks of people emerged across the country to provide support and social bonds. The crisis brought the concept of “a sense of belonging” to the forefront of discussions in Japanese society, emphasizing the significance of spaces where individuals feel supported, connected, and valued. Notably, ibasho is about emotional security, connection, and belonging, which may exist independently of a physical space. As Yamaguchi (2012) says, while the kanji basho (場所) literally means a place or location, ibasho is not necessarily tied to a physical space but to a phycological sense of security and support, or a space that helps one feel a sense of belonging. This illustrates that ibasho primarily focuses on a sense of belonging, where emotional security and support are prioritized, over the active engagement and mutual exchange characteristic of connectedness.
Moreover, VU (2024) explains that research on ibasho has identified key characteristics: (1) the subjectivity of the individual, (2) the physical space, and (3) relationships with others. Firstly, the subjective aspect of ibasho is mainly psychological and highlights self-acclimation, where individuals define their own ibasho by feeling comfortable and accepted by others. It embraces feelings of freedom, belonging, connection, and self-acceptance, all of which contributes to an individual’s well-being. Secondly, as mentioned above, although ibasho can be a physical space, it is not a prerequisite of the concept. These locations are not limited to conventional places such as home, school, or workplace, but any place outside the conventional places can also serve as ibasho. However, the place must meet the subjective conditions to be considered a true space of belonging. Finally, ibasho is also influenced by relationships with others. Positive interactions and strong relationships with others in a particular space can strengthen the sense of ibasho, while negative interaction may impede it. Long-standing and frequent relationship in physical spaces often turn those spaces into ibasho as well, enhancing the individual’s overall well-being. This indicates that the concept of ibasho encompasses a multidimentional understanding of belonging, primarily in a psychological sense, grounded in the subjective experiences of individuals, their relationships with others, and the potential role of physical spaces in fostering comfort, acceptance, and well-being.
As noted, ibasho is a popular term and frequently used in contemporary Japanese society, almost as a response to the challenges of consistent societal precariousness. For example, ibasho is frequently referenced in discussions about hikikomori—individuals experiencing severe social withdrawal—where the creation of spaces of belonging enhances comfort and support, helping them gradually re-engage with society. Similarly, the concept of Kodomo no Ibasho (spaces for children) has gained prominence, aiming to provide emotional support for children facing poverty and social isolation.
In this study of sento, Katsuhito Okubo, the owner of Denki-yu, and Ami Shirai, the manager of Kosugi-yu Tonari, both aim to provide ibasho, each embracing their own characteristics within the same concept, thus emphasizing the complexity of ibasho.
Okubo aims to offer ibasho through his sento business, focusing on emotional support for the local Kyojima neighborhood. His vision is to create “a local version of ‘Least Unhappy Society’ where everyone living in the neighborhood can find their own ibasho” (K. Okubo, personal communication, November 19, 2024). Okubo hopes that the sento experience at Denki-yu alleviates feelings of unhappiness, such as social isolation, offering local residents a space to refresh emotionally and discover their own ibasho. The core of his approach to providing ibasho lies in creating an environment that promotes emotional restoration. Okubo believes that social interaction can serve as a means for his customers to find emotional restoration and support, aligning closely with the psychological essence of ibasho in enhancing emotional well-being.
On the other hand, Shirai also envisions the shared space as ibasho, as well as what she refers to as “another place to return to” (mouhitotsu no kaeru-basho もう一つの帰る場所). Central to her vision of providing ibasho is fostering a sense of comfort and welcome by developing a network of “familiar faces” and facilitating social interactions among members, all while respecting their needs for personal space. By cultivating a balance of relaxed familiarity, plentiful opportunities for interaction, and maintained personal boundaries, Shirai strives to ensure that Tonari becomes a space where members feel at ease and find “another place to return to.”
Similar to Okubo, Shirai also seeks to create an environment that fosters a phycological sense of comfort and welcome, which corelates with the essence of ibasho. While both prioritize emotional well-being, their approaches to ibasho subtly differ in how it is experienced. Shirai, for instance, emphasizes the familiarity within the space, where encounters and interactions with familiar faces can evoke a sense of comfort and welcome. This is evident in the membership-based model of Tonari, fostering a sense of familiarity through regular interactions. In contrast, Okubo does not specifically emphasize familiarity as a defining a feature of ibasho. Even though Denki-yu has many regulars, this is not as likely to be central to his vision of ibasho. Okubo focuses on alleviating feelings of unhappiness and providing a space for emotional restoration for his customers, regardless of whether they are regulars or occasional visitors, possibly through social interaction. For him, engagement with others plays a key role in enhancing a sense of ibasho. Overall, the way ibasho is manifested by Okubo and Shirai demonstrates the flexibility of the concept. It adopts to the needs of the people who use it, while still fostering a phycological sense of security, connection and belonging. This adaptability may be one of the reasons why ibasho has gained prominence in the 2011 post-disaster context in Japan, as people became more aware of the importance of emotional support systems.
This chapter explored various theoretical frameworks that help understand how the sento environments possibly foster individuals’ connectedness and a sense of belonging. While concepts such as copresence, alone-together, a third place, and ibasho each describe distinct types of social relationships, they are adopted by the owners and manager of the sento and sento-related establishments examined in unique ways. In some cases, these frameworks are expanded beyond their original notions, as seen in the reimagining of a third place, while in others, theories like ibasho are applied in a flexible and adaptable manner, grounded in a phycological sense of emotional well-being. Building on the objectives of the three sento case study sites in fostering connectedness and a sense of belonging, as described in this chapter, the following chapter will delve into the descriptive findings. It will explore the specific initiatives taken by these establishments to enhance social relationships and examine whether these initiatives are reflected in the social spaces, as well as other social relationships observed during fieldwork.