While previous literature (e.g., Butler, 2005; Wynn 2014; Clark, 1994; Leutner, 1985) shows that sento has historically served various social functions including religious rituals, therapeutic practices, hygiene, and relaxation, it has most importantly served as social gathering places in Japan due to the nature of communal bathing. However, since the late 1960s, the number of sento has declined, and its traditional role as a center of community communication and social interaction has almost disappeared (Clark, 1994, p. 76).

          This paper employs the concepts of “connectedness” and “a sense of belonging,” which, although often used interchangeably, are distinct. A sense of belonging is associated with symbolic spaces that feel familiar, comfortable and secure, and to which an individual feels emotionally attached (Robinson & Truscott, 2013). These spaces, such as family and the workplace, may be formalized through contracts, fees, or initiation ceremonies. However, belonging does not always require formalization, and even when formalization occurs, it may not result in a genuine sense of belonging. Thus, a sense of belonging is tied to subjective notions of identity. In contrast, connectedness refers to participation in societal organizations or social networks (Crisp, 2010), encompassing the quality and the number of connections with people and places (Robinson & Truscott, 2013). It is possible to be connected without feeling the emotional attachment typically associated with belonging. While connectedness and a sense of belonging can coexist, there may also be a causal relationship between them, or each may exist independently (Crisp, 2010).

This paper revolves around connectedness and a sense of belonging, focusing on individuals’ participation in social networks and organizations, as well as the development of a sense of belonging. As Umberson and Montez (2010) argue, these types of social relationships contribute to one’s well-being and are of significant importance. Additionally, Crisp (2010) also notes that most people have an inherent need to feel a sense of belonging and experience it to varying degrees across different relationships, settings, and places (p. 124). However, alongside the decline of sento and their diminishing roles as social gathering places as discussed above, there has been a broader erosion of social connectedness and a sense of belonging in contemporary Japan, particularly following the collapse of the economic bubble in the early 1990s and amid current social dynamics.

          A declining sense of belonging among individuals, as Allison (2015) demonstrates, is deeply associated with changes in the structures of family and the workplace, following the economic turmoil. The concept of the “good life” in Japan has traditionally revolved around family, with marriage and family formation serving as key markers of social status and belonging. However, the economic turmoil following the bubble burst, accompanied by the rise of neoliberal policies, led to job insecurity and overall instabilities about the future among individuals. Having a family became increasingly risky, and broader social trends began to move away from marriage and family. As marriage rates decline and fewer form families, or maintain stable employment, an increasing number of individuals are likely experiencing a sense of detachment from society.

          Additionally, the decline of the “Japanese management style,” with its emphasis on long-term employment and job security, has weakened a strong sense of company loyalty. In this context, the workplace––once a space where individuals could feel a sense of belonging––no longer likely to fulfill that role (Allison, 2015).

Furthermore, COVID-19 has contributed to decreased participation in social networks and organizations. The pandemic has accelerated feelings of isolation, particularly through the shift to remote formats. In this context, loneliness, diminished connectedness, and a weakened sense of belonging have become defining characteristics of contemporary Japanese society. The decline of sento within this broader context underscores a significant social challenge and the weakening of the social fabric, suggesting that many individuals are losing, or have already lost, important sources of social relationships. This highlights the crucial need for alternative spaces and initiatives to address these social concerns.

          This article underscores how contemporary sento and sento-related establishments in Tokyo offer alternative spaces for fostering individuals’ connectedness and sense of belonging, extending beyond traditional social institutions like family and the workplace. The study adopts the definition of “sento” found in the Public Bathhouse Law (Law No. 139, enacted in 1948), which defines it as a “‘general public bathhouse’ or ‘ippan koshu yokujo’ (一般公衆浴場) that serves as a facility necessary for the health and hygiene of local residents in their daily lives, particularly referring to the so-called ‘sento’ where the bathing fees are regulated by the Price Control Order (Imperial Order No. 118, enacted in 1946)” (Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare, n.d.).

          Beyond the descriptive findings regarding how the studied sento environments foster social connections and a sense of belonging, this research engages with theoretical frameworks, including copresence, alone-together, a third place, and ibasho. The paper explores how these frameworks are interrelated with the objectives of the sento spaces under study in promoting social connectedness and fostering a sense of belonging.

          The research focused on three case studies conducted in Tokyo: two sento establishments––Komae-yu in Komae City and Denki-yu in Sumida Ward––and a shared space, Kosugi-yu Tonari, which is associated with and located next to Kosugi-yu, sento in Suginami Ward. Amid the decline of sento, all three establishments offer additional value beyond traditional bathing services. In this context, “additional value” refers to services that go beyond those defined by the Public Bathhouse Law, which aims to promote “the health and hygiene of local residents in their daily lives” (Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare, n.d.). Specifically, the research defines additional value as services that provide reasons for people to visit sento establishments beyond bathing. These may include events, new aesthetic values through designer architecture, saunas or dining areas, and shared/coworking spaces.

          As the number of sento continues to decrease, these reconfigurations of the sento experience reflect an effort to respond to modern societal needs. It is noteworthy that newly transformed sento may not only revitalize bathhouse spaces as social gathering places, but some of their innovative approaches may also offer new ways for promoting individuals’ connectedness and fostering a sense of belonging. In this regard, the study examines how the contemporary sento experience, along with additional values provided by these three establishments, addresses the contemporary social challenges and contributes to the promotion of connectedness and a sense of belonging. 

          This research demonstrates that while diminished connectedness and a deteriorating sense of belonging are large-scale issues in Japanese society, it is within micro-social spaces––such as sento––that these types of social relationships are strengthened, playing an important role in addressing this broader societal challenge. Few studies seem to have explored how contemporary sento establishments address these social challenges. The research question explored in this study is: In a time of declining traditional institutions like family and work, and amid diminished connectedness and a deteriorating sense of belonging, what alternatives do contemporary sento environments offer to help individuals find connectedness and a sense of belonging outside the traditional contexts?