While the decline of sento indicates a reduction in regular neighborhood visitors and a diminishing role as a community center, Denki-yu remains an important social gathering place for elderly local regulars in the Kyojima neighborhood, who make up 70% of its customer base. Within the sento, social interaction among these regulars is lively and frequent, contributing to the well-being of neighborhood’s community life. This social dynamic is further enhanced by initiatives introduced by Katsuhito Okubo, the owner of Denki-yu, who aims to provide ibasho for his customers with its focus on emotional restoration.
What is particularly distinctive about the sento is the sense of ownership that elderly local regulars develop over the space. They proactively take on shared responsibilities within the sento and contribute to maintaining its environment, reflecting a deeper sense of belonging.
Furthermore, the structured dynamics of modern society, coupled with the prevalence of digital communication, have, as demonstrated by Kitamura (2024), limited opportunities for young people to encounter unpredictable interactions with unfamiliar individuals. As a result, younger generation may lack the communication skills necessary for engaging meaningfully with individuals beyond their usual social circles. However, the elderly regulars at Denki-yu play an important role in passing down their communication culture to young visitors. These young customers are given a valuable opportunity to cultivate meaningful social connections that they may rarely experience in their daily lives.
6.1 “Least Unhappy Society”
“It’s like the neighborhood,” remarked Okubo, during the interview, as he described the social dynamics among elderly local patrons at Denki-yu. Okubo wants to provide his customers with, through the sento experience, “a local version of ‘Least Unhappy Society’ where everyone living in the neighborhood can find their own ibasho” (K. Okubo, personal communication, November 19, 2024). Least Unhappy Society is inspired by a policy proposed by the former Japanese prime minister, Kan, proposing to minimize people’s unhappiness factors. While the policy emphasizes what Okubo calls more “visible” or quantitative aspects of unhappiness, such as illness, poverty, and unemployment (Prime Minister of Japan and His Cabinet, 2011), he, on the other hand, seeks to address something more invisible or qualitative, such as a lack of social interaction:
“Unhappiness is often something more visible, like homelessness, or not having enough to eat. However, there are also more qualitative things, like a lack of social interaction. Right now, what’ s being pushed forward with the focus on sustainability (SDGs) is mostly about reducing quantitative unhappiness. That’s why I want to create the neighborhood where people can live as humans in a more genuine way through Denki-yu. Customers don’t have to feel ‘happiness’ within the sento space. I just want people’s unhappiness to go from negative to zero. I want someone who seriously felt like dying to come here and think, ‘Well, maybe I’ll live another day’” (K. Okubo, personal communication, November 19, 2024).
As reflected in the statement above, Okubo hopes that the sento experience at Denki-yu alleviates feelings of unhappiness, such as a lack of socila interaction, by offering local residents a space to refresh emotionally and discover their own ibasho. In this context, central to his vision of ibasho is the creation of an environment that supports emotional restoration. While he acknowledges that customers do not necessarily need to interact with one another within the sento, he believes social interaction provides valuable opportunities for customers to address their unhappiness and foster emotional well-being. Additionally, his approach focuses on ensuring that opportunities for social connection remains accessible to a diverse range of individuals, particularly those from different social classes and with varying preferences. Guided by his principle of “do nothing,” he prioritizes inclusive space over promotional strategies. Moreover, several initiatives have been implemented to enhance communication among customers, which will be further explored in the next section.
6.2 Initiatives Taken by Okubo to Make the Space More Inclusive & Enhance Social Interaction among Customers
“Do nothing,” or “nanimo shinai” (何もしない) is the main motto for Okubo and the Denki-yu staff for running their sento business. This does not simply mean doing nothing but rather, Denki-yu deliberately refrains from promoting certain aspects, as doing so could limit its customer base to only those who are specifically interested in those features. By avoiding such focus, it aims to enhance a broader, more inclusive environment that welcomes a diverse range of, spanning various social classes and customer preferences. One example of this approach is seen in their “no sauna promotion.” While saunas have become particularly popular among the younger generation in Japan today, and Denki-yu is equipped with one, Okubo believes they create a sense of exclusion for those who do not share the same interest:
“If we promote Denki-yu as something like ‘saunas are great,’ then inevitably, the space may become homogenic. There are sauna enthusiasts who look for self-improvement. However, this creates an atmosphere where those who are unable to make an effort or engage in self-improvement feel like they can’t achieve results, and that it’s their fault. There are also people who, due to several reasons, can’t quite manage self-improvement. It’s a bit scary to impose that on them, and if Denki-yu were to do that, I think those people would probably feel uncomfortable. They might think, ‘This isn’t a place for me.’ In this context, a space where a variety of different people can exist won’t really be created. So, we don’t do that. We make sure that people inside the sento feel like they have a place to stay, like they belong here. This is something we keep in mind when managing Denki-yu” (K. Okubo, personal communication, November 19, 2024).
By embracing the philosophy of “do nothing,” Okubo ensures to make Denki-yu an inclusive space where customers, regardless of their background or interests, can feel welcome.
In contrast, as he explains, “instead of ‘doing nothing,’ we focus on ‘providing opportunities and creating a good environment as much as we can’ (kikai to kankyo wo saidaigen totonoeru, 機会と環境を最大限整える)” (K. Okubo, personal communication, November 19, 2024). Their foundational initiatives to achieve this aim mainly focus on daily bathing experiences, including the thorough cleaning of the facilities every day to create a comfortable bathing environment. Additionally, several initiatives identified during the interview––ranging from customer service to spatial layout––are designed to foster social interaction among its customers, thereby potentially contributing to their emotional restoration.
The customer service approach involves what Denki-yu staff calls “daily bandai,” or “higawari bandai” (日替わり番台) meaning that the receptionist is rotated every day of the week. The staff at the reception desk are the first people customers talk to within the sento, whether briefly or for longer conversations. Okubo says:
“When the same person is at the reception every day, conversations between regulars and the receptionist can eventually die out. To prevent that, we put different staff every day at the reception” (K. Okubo, personal communication, November 19, 2024).
This rotation adds a sense of freshness to the sento experience for regulars, encouraging them to engage in new conversations and fostering a more dynamic social environment.
Additionally, the staff aims to actively engage with customers by greeting, conversing with them, and occasionally bathing together. This approach contributes to a relaxed and tension-free atmosphere, where customers feel more comfortable initiating conversations with each other, without staff interceding, as explained by Okubo. At Denki-yu, some staff members and regulars maintain close relationships, characterized by casual and lively exchanges. During the researcher’s visit, a female staff member emerged from the reception room and assisted an elderly regular male customer with putting on his jacket, as he was physically unable to do so. Their conversation was warm and informal, with the female staff member initially asking, “Daijyoubu (are you okay?) Tetsudaoka (Let me help you).” The casual relationships between customers and staff helps make Denki-yu an informal and relaxed place that encourages conversation among customers.
In addition to personal interactions, Denki-yu also utilizes various mediums, including their original sento newspaper, the Bathroom News, or Yokushitsu-nai Shinbun (浴室内新聞), and the weekly sento novels, Yoyo-toto (洋洋蕩蕩), as tools to facilitate conversations among customers. These serve as mediums for conversation starters (see Figures 25 & 26).
Figure 25. The weekly sento novels, Yoyo-toto (洋洋蕩蕩) at Denki-yu
Figure 26. The wall near the bathtub inside the bathing area of Denki-yu is covered with numerous photos and reading materials that serve as conversation starters.
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Furthermore, spatial layout renovation is another example of Denki-yu’s effort to encourage social interaction. For instance, the waiting room was redesigned by replacing individual benches with a raised tatami-floored seating area. This change allows more people to sit together, rather than individually, making the space more conducive to group interaction (see Figure 27).
Figure 27. Redesigned waiting room equipped with a tatami-floored seating area at Denki-yu
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Consequently, Denki-yu’s motto, “do nothing,” creates an inclusive environment by deliberately avoiding the promotion of specific features of the sento to ensure the sento is welcoming to people with diverse backgrounds and interests. Rather than focusing on particular features, Denki-yu emphasizes providing opportunities and creating a good environment for customers to enjoy their sento experience. Initiatives––such as rotating receptionists, active staff engagement, conversation starters like the sento newspapers and novels, and changes to the layout––are all implemented to encourage social interaction among customers. These efforts are inspired by Okubo’s aim to provide ibasho for customers by fostering social interaction and creating an environment where they can potentially experience emotional restoration through these connections. Building on this approach, the following section will examine how social interactions particularly among the elderly local regulars who forms the main customer base, take place at Denki-yu.
6.3 Social Interaction at Denki-yu
Despite the decline of regular neighborhood visitors to some sento today, Denki-yu is an exceptional establishment that functions as a community center, with 90% of its customers coming from the Kyojima neighborhood. The sento is characterized as a social gathering place that customer interactions are very active, especially among elderly local regulars or Joren-san (常連さん) is what Okubo calls them, who occupy 70% of the customer base. The popularity of Denki-yu for the elderly regulars can be characterized by its rush entry at the opening time, 3 p.m. (see Scenario#3).
Scenario#3: At Denki-yu Entrance
Before 3 p.m., about 15 elderly local regulars were gathering in front of the entrance of Denki-yu, engaging in lively conversation until the sento opens. This is a daily scene at the sento. Once the gate opens, they rush inside for fresh water. Denki-yu staff refers to this as “opening dash, or kaiten dashu (開店ダッシュ).”
Figure 28. Elderly local regulars entering Denki-yu right at the 3 p.m. opening time
These elderly regulars likely do not know in advance who will be at the sento, but by visiting at the same time each week, they come encounter their friends, as described by Okubo. These regulars explain Denki-yu is an important social place where they can have conversation with friends regularly every week.
Statement from Elderly Regular Female #1
“I come here every three days… There used to be more sento in this neighborhood but there is only a few now… If I come here, I like that I can talk with everybody.”
Statement from Elderly Regular Female #2
“I visit here every day. There used to be two or three more sento establishments around here but now only a few…If Denki-yu closes down, that will be a problem for me… It’s just like I can see everyone’s face here.”
The statements reflect the regulars’ lament over the decrease in sento in the neighborhood and the reduction of places for social interaction. Denki-yu is an important social space for them. At Denki-yu, regulars usually greet with each other with a friendly “Hello” when they recognize familiar faces. This greeting often comes with phrases like “Konbanwa” (Good evening). When someone is leaving, it’s common to say “Osakini shitsurei-shimasu,” meaning “Pardon me to leave early,” and then others respond with “Oyasuminasai” (Good night). In addition, during fieldwork, there were distinctive patterns in how conversations were initiated. For example, regulars often began with a greeting call and small talk on specific topics including the weather, seasons, and sento facilities. After these initial exchanges, they engaged in lively conversations on various topics, creating a sense of community bonding (see Scenarios#4 & #5).
Scenario#4: In the Bathing Area at Denki-yu
Customer A was already inside the bath. Then, customer B approached and greeted A with “Konbanwa” (Good evening), B was going to get into the bathtub next to A.
Customer A talked to B, “Water in that tub is not warm enough. You should come to this one, the water here is warmer.”
Customer B responded, “Really? I’ll go there.”
Now in the same bathtub, A and B continued discussing how the water hasn’t warmed up enough yet.
Later, they changed their topic but continue their conversation.
Figure 29. Sento bathtubs inside Denki-yu
Scenario#5: In the Changing Room at Denki-yu
Customer C was putting on her socks. Customer D entered the room, and said, “Konbanwa” (Good evening) to C. Recognizing a familiar face, C smiled and responded with “Konbanwa, otsukaresama” (Good evening, good to see you).
D talked to C, remarking, “It’s very cold, today.” C agreed and responded, “Yes, the weather suddenly got cold. It’s hard for me to get up in the morning.” They agreed and laughed to each other.
Shortly after, Customer E entered the room and greeted both C and D. C turns to E, “Isn’t it cold outside?” E replied, “Yes, be sure to stay warm after the bath.”
Following these short exchanges, Customer C, D, and E initiated conversations on various casual topics including TV shows, their house chores, cooking recipes, and more.
Another notable sociality among Denki-yu regulars is the act of washing each other’s backs, known as “senaka-no-araikko” in Japanese. While it is explained as a popular practice in sento culture, it is still frequently observed at Denki-yu (See Scenario#6). The process of requesting back washing is typically smooth and casual. Some customers, without explicitly asking “Can you wash my back?” simply says “Please,” as illustrated in the scenario. Furthermore, when customers are asked, no one usually resists. Back washing appeared to be a natural act, as if they already anticipated it, suggesting that it’s a regular practice.
Scenario#6: In the Bathing Area at Denki-yu
Customer A and B were showering and washing their bodies using body soap while sitting next to each other.
Customer A turned her back to customer B, and asked, “Please.”
B responded with “yes, yes” and started washing A’s back with a towel.
Once finished, A says, “Thank you. Now it’s your turn.”
Now, A started cleaning B’s back.
After washing each other’s backs, they both said, “Thank you.”
A and B then returned to their own business, continuing to wash their bodies.
Additionally, the changing room is the primary space where regulars engage in conversation with one another. As Okubo explains, “It’s like a picnic. (After the bath) Some female regulars quickly come out to a bandai or reception to buy drinks and go back inside to enjoy” (K. Okubo, personal communication, November 19, 2024). During fieldwork, conversation among regulars were most frequently observed in the changing room and tended to last longer compared to the bathing and the waiting areas. On one occasion, a conversation continued for fifteen minutes even after they had finished dressing. The favored spot for these discussions is a large bench placed in the center of the room. Regulars sit on the bench while dressing and chatting with each other. The changing room at Denki-yu is spacious and features unobstructed view (See Figure 30). Regulars changing at the lockers along the wall can engage in conversation across the central bench without any visual barriers. The large size allows multiple people to sit together, fostering a lively environment for social interaction. Furthermore, after bathing together and shedding all social masks–symbolized by the removal of clothing–there appears to be a sense of “social nudity (Lebra, 1976),” which potentially further facilitates conversation among regulars in the changing room.
Figure 30. Changing room at Denki-yu
There is a big and wide bench in the center of the room.
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Therefore, the social dynamics among the elderly regular patrons, as discussed above, demonstrate that Denki-yu remains a vital social hub where they return regularly, expecting opportunities to engage with familiar faces and foster meaningful social relationships. As noted in the statements by elderly female regulars earlier, the sento is seen by the regulars as an important social gathering place where they can actively and regularly participate in social interactions with others. While Okubo envisions the sento as a space that facilitates social interaction, its sentoscape appears to fulfill this role effectively. Through this social experience, Okubo envisions that customers can experience emotional restoration and discover their own ibasho.
6.4 A Sense of Ownership
What is particularly distinctive about the social dynamics at Denki-yu is the sense of ownership that these elderly regulars develop over the space. With a sense of belonging and attachment to the space, they take shared responsibility for maintaining the sento environment. Compared to other sento establishments, such as Komae-yu and Kosugi-yu, Denki-yu stands out in that its regulars hold a stronger sense of ownership within the sento environment, coupled with a shared responsibility of maintaining it. This can be illustrated by the following scenarios (See Scenarios#7 & #8).
Scenario#7: In the Bathing Area at Denki-yu
While I was bathing, several other elderly regulars were showering and washing themselves.
One regular caught my attention when she began splashing the water over the floor with a bucket, washing away the bubbles.
Despite the area she was using to shower already being clean, the customer continued to collect water from the tap and splash it over the floor.
In the end, she cleaned an area equivalent to five seats, nearly one-third of the bathing room floor, making it very clean and free of any bubbles.
Figure 31. Bathing area at Denki-yu
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Scenario#8: In the Changing Room at Denki-yu
Three elderly female patrons were having a lively conversation in the changing room.
In the middle of the conversation, one went to grab a mop that was placed by the wall.
While continuing the conversation with the other two, she started mopping the floor to wipe away water drops and remove hairs.
Eventually, she cleaned the entire floor in the changing room.
As demonstrated in the scenarios above, during fieldwork at Denki-yu, it was remarkable that the regulars actively and consistently took care of the sento environment, particularly by cleaning. While it seems a typical manner for sento customers to clean the area around the seat they used for showering or to remove hairs from the table after drying their hair in the changing room, many regulars at Denki-yu often went beyond their individual responsibilities by cleaning areas they had not used, ensuring the comfort of the entire environment.
Even during an interview with Okubo in the back office of the sento, he noticed, by the sound from the bathing room, that a male elderly regular had returned several bath chairs to the original spot after he and others had finished showering. These behaviors reflect a sense of ownership among the regulars at Denki-yu, which, as Oldenburg (1989) illustrates, stems from frequent visits and familiarity resulting from them, as well as individuals’ sense of belonging to the place. As Oscar Newman explains, “The more people define an area as theirs, the more active they become in monitoring what goes on in and around it” (as cited in Oldenburg, 1989, p. 83). In the case of Denki-yu, with many of them actively maintaining the sento environment despite not being staff members, the regulars appear to have a strong sense of belonging to the space and view the sento as their own. This demonstrates a shared sense of responsibility among elderly local regulars, reflecting their sense of ownership and belonging to the space.
Figure 32. Bath buckets and chairs at Denki-yu
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6.5 Passing Communication Skills on to the Younger Generation
Throughout the fieldwork conducted at all three sento under study, one notable social pattern among customers is that elderly individuals are typically the ones to engage in conversation with strangers. This pattern often involves the elderly initiating exchanges with newcomers and young customers. In contrast, the younger generation tends to not interact with strangers and only responds when approached by the elderly. This behavior possibly correlates with broader societal changes and the environment in which young people have grown up, as described by Okubo. He indicates that society is now structured in a way that people are more likely to encounter familiar and predictable situations and individuals they can relate to, rather than those from different social groups or unexpected contexts. As a result, young people raised in such environments may struggle to communicate with individuals outside their immediate social circles.
This trend reflects, as Kyohhei Kitamura, an associate professor at Institute of Science Tokyo Institute for Liberal Art, describes, the increasing social trends of structurization (kanri-ka 管理化), efficiency (koritsu-ka 効率化), and risk avoidance (risuku kaihi リスク回避) in contemporary Japanese society, driven by the rise of neoliberalism since the bubble burst. Neoliberalism has embedded the concepts of competition and meritocracy among individuals, emphasizing cost and time performance in achieving success. This has led to a society that excludes unstable elements through structurization in pursuit of more efficient outcomes. Kitamura (2024) demonstrates that this trend is reflected in all social spaces, including public spaces, where users and usage are managed for the sake of risk avoidance. As a result, people are becoming less likely to encounter unpredictable situations (Kitamura, 2024), which can lead to a decline in communication skills, especially when interacting with unpredictable factors such as strangers. In addition, the rise of the digital society, where activities such as education, entertainment, shopping, and even socializing can be done without face-to-face interaction, further reduces opportunities for in-person communication, exacerbating the decline in communication skills. Moreover, Kitamura (2024) notes that the internet, with its algorithm, encourages a structured environment where individuals only encounter information and people they prefer, limiting their exposure to diverse perspectives. Therefore, this structured, efficiency-driven society, shaped by neoliberalism and reinforced by digital advances, raises concerns about the declining ability of young people to communicate effectively with unfamiliar others or those outside their usual social circles.
In this regard, these social dynamics appear to be reflected within the context of the sento, as observed through participant observation at the three sento establishments under study. However, since Denki-yu’s customer base is primarily elderly, it seems that young customers can have valuable social experiences at Denki-yu, providing opportunities for intergenerational interactions and meaningful social engagement (See Scenario#9).
Scenario#9: In the Changing Room at Denki-yu
I got out of the bathing room and wiping my body.
Female elderly regulars, A and B, were having a lively conversation while sitting on a large bench placed in the middle of the room. They started applying body cream to each other’s backs and giving each other shoulder massages. I was observing them and made eye contact with Customer A. Then, suddenly, Customer A spoke to me, “Isn’t it so cold outside today?” It was the middle-December.
I was a bit surprised but responded to her, “Yes, it is so I took a long bath today.” After this, she started talking to me more, mainly about how she doesn’t like the cold weather these days and what she would cook for dinner to have with her husband. At one point, she asked me if I needed body cream to put on. She was very friendly and spoke to me as if she had known me before. She was curious about where I came from that day and was surprised when I told her I came from Yokohama.
We had about a five-minute conversation.
When I was leaving, she gave me a candy and saw me off with the friendly words, “Samui-kara kiwotsukete-ne! Attakaku shite kaette!” (It’s cold, so be careful and make sure to stay warm on your way back.)
As illustrated above, it was common for the researcher to be approached by elderly regulars during fieldwork visits to Denki-yu. Although Denki-yu’s primary customer base consists of elderly patrons, it also has a certain of young regulars. Denki-yu utilizes the sento space to hold events like music performances, and these events are generally visited by young people. It was initially assumed that these events might increase the number of young customers at Denki-yu, but that does not appear to be the case. According to Okubo, many event attendees come from outside the Kyojima neighborhood and typically do not become sento regulars. As for Denki-yu’s young regulars, he explains that they are local residents. They often discover Denki-yu while walking around the neighborhood or through social media and say, “Ah I didn’t know there was sento in my neighborhood!” as noted by Okubo (K. Okubo, personal communication, November 19, 2024). Some of them visit and eventually become regulars.
Okubo states that these young local regulars at Denki-yu are gradually picking up the communication skills of the elderly patrons, as they are frequently engaged in conversation by them. Okubo remarks, “Denki-yu regulars (the elderly) are very good at having casual conversations with strangers” (K. Okubo, personal communication, November 19, 2024). He further observes that they often initiate conversations with young customers, even if they are newcomers, and occasionally offer souvenirs. Additionally, Okubo mentions that it is common for the regulars to lend bathing items such as shampoo, a practice he himself also frequently experiences.
In this context, young customers who visit Denki-yu are exposed to valuable intergenerational social connections and interactions, which may be rare in their daily lives due to the structured and efficiency-driven nature of contemporary society. The elderly local regulars play an important role in passing down their communicative culture to young customers, providing them with opportunities to build meaningful connections beyond their usual social circles and develop their communication skills.
In conclusion, Okubo seeks to cultivate ibasho within the sento space by creating an environment where customers can experience emotional restoration through social engagement. This is facilitated by their initiatives––including customer service, communication channels, and spatial layout––that foster social interactions among customers. Denki-yu also strives to make the space more inclusive and welcoming by avoiding promotional strategies, allowing a wide range of people to experience this sense of connectedness.
Fieldwork revealed that socializing remains central to the sento’s social landscape. Despite the decline in regular visitors to neighborhood sento and their diminishing role as community centers, Denki-yu continues to function as a social hub for elderly local patrons in the Kyojima neighborhood, who form the dominant customer base. These regulars view the sento as an essential social gathering place where they can actively participate in social networks and strengthen their ties with each other. They also demonstrate a strong sense of ownership by taking shared responsibility for maintaining the sento environment, reflecting their deep sense of belonging to the space.
Moreover, Denki-yu provides a space where young customers––often unfamiliar with spontaneous exchanges due to the structured, efficiency-driven nature of modern society (Kitamura, 2024) ––can engage in meaningful intergenerational interactions. Communicative elderly regulars play a key role in helping young patrons experience connectedness beyond their usual social circles and develop communication skills.
